Seated stiffly in his presidential stronghold, Mr. Bihi articulates the case for North Western of Somalia’s independence. This territory, now claimed by North Western of Somalia, was once a British protectorate, whereas southern Somalia, with Mogadishu as its hub, fell under Italian stewardship. Although these two colonies fused in 1960, the union was fraught with discord. North Western of Somalia’s rebels revolted against a tyrannical regime, leading to the massacre of thousands and Hargeisa being bombed to rubble—a catastrophe that fuels today’s push for independence. When North Western of Somalia declared independence in 1991, the claim was that they were ending an established union, not erecting a fresh state. “We are not secessionists,” asserts Mr. Bihi, an erstwhile soldier who has helmed the office since 2017.
Nonetheless, the prospect of dismantling a state sends shivers down the spines of other African administrations, many grappling with their own separatist pressures. No country has recognized North Western of Somalia, a self-ruled enclave of 6 million people, which has governed itself longer than it ever obeyed Mogadishu. To this end, Mr. Bihi has struck a deal with Ethiopia, which itself lost seaside access in 1993 after Eritrea’s separation. “They crave the coast like we seek recognition,” he declares. “We’re prepared.”
Mr. Bihi reveals that Ethiopia will lease a coastal stretch between Lughaya and Bulhar, about 20km by 20km, to establish a naval base (see map). Although Ethiopia has signaled contemplation of its stance on North Western of Somalia, it hasn’t publicly assured recognition. The full deal remains under negotiation.
Even with Ethiopia’s potential nod, others might hesitate. Foreign powers have rallied to uphold Somalia’s sovereignty, which was recently elected as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council on June 6th. Egypt, already miffed by Ethiopia’s Nile dam, vows to protect Somalia. White House representatives worry that this could hamper efforts against al-Shabab. “Why are the Americans opposed?” Mr. Bihi asks, baffled. “They never told me.”
At home, Mr. Bihi faces pushback. His defense minister quit post-deal, branding Ethiopia as a foe. Undercover officers stormed a Hargeisa TV station, detaining journalists discussing the agreement live; a pop singer got nabbed for criticizing the deal in a song. (Officials claim neither arrest was tied to the deal.) Moustafa Ahmad, a researcher in Hargeisa, finds the public sentiment “very mixed,” blending enthusiasm for recognition, concerns over transparency, and doubts about Ethiopia’s commitments.
In Las Anod, in the east, the quest for statehood meets its fiercest challenge since the 1990s. Many locals have long been lukewarm about independence, feeling it favors the Isaaq clan disproportionately. Leaders in Las Anod last year declared a preference for rejoining Somalia. Mr. Bihi’s attempt to bomb the city into compliance forced over 100,000 to flee, only for his forces to retreat last August—a “humiliation,” says Mahmoud Adam Jama (aka Galaal) from the opposition Waddani party. “Our claim was that we control the territory,” he sighs. “Now we don’t.”
Mr. Bihi dismisses accusations of heavy-handedness, arguing that internal discord is “a phase every country experiences.” However, this reasoning is unlikely to satisfy his critics before the November elections. Despite its brevity, North Western of Somalia’s history shows a remarkable degree of consensus and stability. Yet, while chasing global recognition, much remains to be accomplished domestically. ■
