Recently, Hon Fawsia Yusuf Adam alleged that she was pressured by Somali leadership to withdraw from the African Union Chairwoman race in favor of Djibouti, despite verbal and formal support from Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. This episode spotlights Somalia’s substantial deficiencies in asserting its own interests within the Horn of Africa and beyond. It underscores a troubling lack of resolve to safeguard our national prerogatives. This isn’t an isolated case; back in October 2023, the Somali government requested Hon Marwa Abdi Bashir, another woman, to step down from the International Parliamentary Union contest in favor of Tanzania while in Angola.
While Djibouti’s pursuit of its national interests through these African Union elections is commendable, Somalia’s consistent role as the underdog since the Arta Somali Reconciliation Conference of 2000 raises concerns. Djibouti’s tactics in the political and economic arenas often leave Somalia compromised. Understandably, Somalia might be under some INDIRECT stewardship due to a United Nations Security Council Resolution, but capitulating to Djibouti consistently is a strategic faux pas, failing to protect our fundamental interests. Djibouti isn’t seeking power to champion Somali causes.
In a February 2024 briefing, the World Bank illuminated Somalia’s towering developmental hurdles. Intelligent strategies in industrial economics, infrastructure, and diplomatic outreach are imperative. Reviving sectors like energy, ports, roads, education, and health should be prioritized. “Only one-third of men and 12% of women engage in the labor market. Nearly half of employed individuals live below the poverty line, signifying low productivity jobs. Therefore, institution-building and resilience development are vital for growth, poverty reduction, and transitioning from fragility” (World Bank February 2024). The Somalia National Economic Council in March 2022 similarly noted the detrimental impact of infrastructure deficits, trade barriers, and cross-border friction on national development.
Given this context, having a Somali candidate lead the African Union would strategically benefit both Somalia and Africa. The African Union’s mission encompasses implementing Agenda 2063’s infrastructure goals in energy, transport, information, and technology. It aims to bolster cooperation, economic progress, trade industry, and secure peace.
Considering Somalia’s immense challenges, the question arises: Does Djibouti or Somalia need this candidacy more urgently? Both nations likely benefit, but the glaring political miscalculations by our leaders squander diplomatic leverage, jeopardizing the urgent needs of 15 million people.
This incident highlights the absence of a cohesive development agenda and a political vision aligned with Somalia’s key priorities. It portrays Somalia as a secondary player, bowing to others at its own expense. There’s a pressing need for a shift in Somali politics, embracing a comprehensive, forward-thinking strategy that prioritizes Somalia’s interests on every stage—local, regional, and global. Djibouti is a friendly neighbor, but they will not prioritize Somali interests. Our needs are urgent, and every chance we get should be leveraged to propel Somalia from fragility to recovery. With this incident, it appears we’ve faltered politically and economically, once again, at our own detriment.
Mohamed Ibrahim, BA/MSc from the London School of Economics and Political Science, writes from London and advocates for social justice. Follow him on X (formerly Twitter) @Mi_shiine.
