EDITORIAL | Somalia is once again facing the prospect of a political agreement after another meeting was held on Wednesday this week at the well-guarded Mogadishu Aden Abdulle International Airport.
Still, there is little, if any, optimism at this meeting. First, there was confusion after President Farmajo organized a parallel but partial meeting with his prime minister Hussein Roble, Benadir Governor Omar Filish and presidents of Hirshabelle, Southwest and Galmudug.
There is no problem with the meeting if it was a simple tête-à-tête between political allies. After all, many other politicians have kept that way, recently. But if the intention is to construct a coup at the conference encouraged by the international community, there are all dangers printed over it.
First, it may portray Farmajo’s apparent tendency to drive a wedge between stakeholders and bow to any fragile trust that may have built up prior to the meeting.
Second, what would be the result of a partial meeting? If the intention is to reach an election agreement; it would already be contrary to the call for a universally agreed choice. And it could prove accusations already being made against Farmajo; that he will not give up until the end result favors him. This leads us to the role of international donors.
It can not be said that Somalia’s international partners and partners have supported the country in many better ways. Security training, humanitarian aid scholarships and institutional building are areas we have seen and praised.
In elections, however, Somalia’s key donors appear to have dug their heads into the sand or provided subtle support for an established position to continue trying to bend rules for themselves.
President Farmajo’s term expired more than seven weeks ago. He currently lacks any ounce of constitutional protection, except for the provision in a parliamentary proposal passed last year to allow the incumbents to hold on to the hope that the election would be held in time.
For all their good support, donors must first clarify the role of Farmajo. Given the expiration of the period and the continuous collection of scheduled election negotiations, Somalia’s partners must say with certainty whether he is being treated as a sitting or a candidate. For the latter, this means that any other candidate must be allowed to participate in the interviews.
At the risk of sounding biased, we believe there was a credible sting in a statement recently issued by the National Salvation Council. Formed this week from a group of more than a dozen presidential candidates, leaders of Northeastern State and Jubbaland and as Senate President Abdi Hashi; the group said this week that there should be clarity about Farmajo’s role and whether they can participate in the talks.
We encourage donors to listen to these issues raised by the Council. Instead, donors gathered pressure and avoided threats that everyone should participate. The US embassy said Farmajo should ensure “full participation” of stakeholders, but urged Northeastern State and Jubbaland leaders to enter the talks without “preconditions”.
We agree that everyone should participate. However, we reject pressure that seems to sacrifice stakeholders as spoilers, and reject their complaints simply as a precondition. There will be no need to enter into discussions that appear to be predetermined. In fact, such a move risks producing another broken record and a longer uncertainty about choices.
Despite being president for four years, Farmajo failed miserably to unite the country. Instead, he bestowed with federal heads of state in a seemingly supremacy struggle. And the donors did not help much.
By refusing to cooperate with Northeastern State and Jubbaland on important development issues, they undoubtedly promoted these states, leaving them to keep an eye on other partners. Today, it is clear that these states were detached, even untouched, from what the American and European countries might say. Pressure on them this time seems to be a misleading tool to use.
The international partners should have adopted a carrot, not a whip.
These federal states recognize that they are part of Somalia. But Somalia is also structured in two levels to ensure a more stable administration of the country, enabling a two-tier security architecture. Yet there is a mutual distrust between the federal government run by Farmajo and Northeastern State and Jubbaland.
For the past four years, these two states have accused Farmajo of attempting regime change in their territories. And see how the federal government bulldozed through elections in Hirshabelle, Southwest, and Galmudug; they became more suspicious.
As they traveled to Mogadishu prior to the meeting, curious observers might have seen how armed their guards were. The Puntlands president’s security team left the table with machine guns, bazookas and other short-range heavy weapons. It would be unnecessary if there was confidence in FGS.
We welcome the African Union’s decision to guarantee security at the airport’s venue. But there is more that partners need to do. European Union High Representative Josep Borrell on Tuesday called on the parties to participate, agree on timely elections and “peaceful transfer of power”, warning delays affecting the peace program.
Sir. Borrell acknowledged that “when individual priorities take precedence over the general interests of the country, political leaders discredit themselves for representing their citizens.”
In fact, we agree that those who undermine dialogue or use violence will be subjected to action and will have the consequences of their actions.
Similarly, donors must stop subtle support for an incumbency that pulls the feet beyond its maturity, and prevent the country from giving a new mandate to leaders to lead the country forward. Doing so and denoting other spoilers is equivalent to talking at both ends of their mouths.
AXADLETM
