EDITORIAL: In coincidental election negotiations,will Farmajo pick up his

EDITORIAL | But this should never have surprised anyone. From the start, it always looked like a dance of grasshoppers being forced by an attentive crow.

Now the biggest question must be whether outgoing President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo, whose term expired in February, has a bit of legitimacy and confidence left to save the boat.

When these meetings began, this platform was categorical, that all solutions found in this dialogue should be the result of free exchange of views. We warned that any presumed misleading trait could be counterproductive.

It is disappointing, no warning signs were followed. Instead, of course, it became a project for survival. Farmajo chaired these meetings and was aware that his term of office was coming to an end. It was only he among the elected leaders of the National Advisory Forum whose mandate had been completed.

Yet he chose this option to push his handles to stay in power while blaming federal heads of state for refusing to compromise. We understand that there may be personal differences between leaders in Northeastern State and Jubalaland on the one hand and Farmajo on the other. But it is Farmajo who lets his personal ambitions fade him.

Instead of seeking a comfortable solution with the federal member states and at least getting his mandate renewed during a constitutionally acceptable process, he played a cloak-and-dagger game.

These leaders had been gathering in Mogadishu since the beginning of March. If they were not willing to find a solution, as suggested by Villa Somalia, they would have completely avoided the meeting place.

On the other hand, Farmajo’s first fraudulent strike occurred when he galvanized MPs to push through a controversial extension of his term. That he first allowed to discuss this idea among the NCF shows that there was no consensus, and he certainly knew it could be rejected at the session.

For him, not only did his leadership certificate hurt influencing MPs and excluding rebellious meetings. It showed his intention to weaken the Somali legislature, the only functioning watchdog in Somalia, provided the courts are almost dead.

The failed meetings also showed something else: that Farmajo thrives on weakening other arms of government. It is not only Parliament that he has tried to manipulate. Federal member states that go against his word are routinely brand traitors.

Those who sit with him have leaders who cannot try to defy him. Galmudug, South West and Hirshabelle; all have elected leaders in the last two years. Their choice was controversial, even unfair. These states remain stooges of the federal government.

Farmajo’s recent move has also shown that he is uncomfortable with a federal system. By imposing on leaders in federal states, he knows that the federation will only exist on paper. As long as he pulls the handles and gains loyalty through dictatorship, he will be fine.

Yet Somali’s own history teaches us that those who try to force their way pay the fine. Siad Barre, whose fall caused Somalia’s decades-long collapse, tried to force its way, punished the disagreement, but still lost everything.

If there are painful experiences, it must be that Somalia’s wounded generations should never accept bulldozing. There are reasons why a federal system was chosen. The idea was to give the regions sufficient autonomy while keeping the center functioning properly.

We fear that Farmajo’s recent twist could reopen old wounds. And healing these wounds may require another heavy price to pay.

Farmajo has two options for rescuing the sinking boat: He can swallow his pride and provide a conducive environment for discussions. Or he can continue to force his way and pay the price.

AXADLETM

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