Other than intimidating businesses in Bosasso, a bustling seaport in Northeastern State, IS-Somalia peddles modest amounts of gold unearthed in the north-eastern Bari realm, its lair. According to US estimates, it’s amassed a tidy $6 million since 2022, “these figures shared by ICG shed light on their funding,” says ICG.
With roughly 500 fighters camped out in the caves of Northeastern State’s Cal Miskaat mountains, IS-Somalia’s influence is quite constrained. They’ve launched fewer than 12 raids since 2023, way down from the 60 attacks in 2019. About half their force comes from foreign lands, hailing from Kenya, Tanzania, Ethiopia, and Yemen, and in the past year, four Moroccan suspects found themselves nabbed by authorities on the suspicion of joining the group.
Their leader, Abdulkadir Mumin, who broke away from al Shabaab to start his own group nearly a decade ago, became the target of a US airstrike this May, as per ICG. Now he oversees a broader territory, as IS directed affiliates in the Democratic Republic of Congo and Mozambique to report to him in Somalia.
The faction has managed to hold its ground against Northeastern State’s government largely due to its hideout in the rugged, remote mountains. Equally, the deep-seated interclan rivalries that characterize much of Somalia’s politics have played to their advantage. Al Shabaab, dominating the central and southern parts of the country, hasn’t succeeded in quashing IS-Somalia through force and sees the smaller group as an irritant that lures away disgruntled fighters.
Attempts to dismantle the group have floundered, hampered by the discord between Somalia’s national government and the semi-autonomous Northeastern State authorities, ICG noted, pushing for better cooperation between them.
“They must find common ground to create a unified front against the group, promote defections, and address the grievances of communities that host IS-Somalia,” shared ICG.
