Somali president hosts senior U.S. commander in Mogadishu as both sides tighten counterterrorism cooperation
Somalia and the United States moved to deepen their security partnership on Wednesday as President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud met in Mogadishu with Gen. Dagvin R.M. Anderson and U.S. Ambassador Richard H. Riley for talks centered on counterterrorism and stabilization. Somali officials described Anderson as the new chief of U.S. Africa Command and said the discussions focused on accelerating joint efforts against al‑Shabaab, the al‑Qaida‑linked movement that continues to mount deadly attacks in central and southern Somalia.
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The meeting, held in the heavily fortified capital, underscored Washington’s continued support for Somalia’s security sector reforms and the federal government’s offensive to reclaim territory from the insurgents. Both sides, officials said, reaffirmed a shared goal: suppressing al‑Shabaab’s capacity to tax, terrorize and recruit while building Somali institutions resilient enough to hold ground once cleared.
Key takeaways
- Somalia and the U.S. emphasized closer coordination on security, counterterrorism and stabilization, including support to elite Somali units like the U.S.-trained Danab Brigade.
- Gen. Anderson reiterated Washington’s commitment to Somalia’s long-term stability, according to Somali officials present at the talks.
- The visit signals continuity in U.S. engagement as African Union peacekeepers draw down and Somalia takes on more responsibility for its own security.
Why it matters now
Somalia is in the middle of a delicate transition: African Union forces are handing more security duties back to Somali authorities just as the federal government presses forward with its most determined campaign in years against al‑Shabaab. The stakes are high. The group’s bombings routinely target government sites, busy markets, and roadside convoys, and its extortion network saps local commerce. In recent months, Somali forces, supported by community militias, have retaken pockets of territory in Hirshabelle and Galmudug states, but holding them has proved more difficult than seizing them.
For ordinary Somalis, the battlefield is measured in everyday risks—whether a child can walk to school without crossing a checkpoint, whether a bus will make it through an ambush-prone stretch of road, whether a harvest can be sold without a “tax” visit from al‑Shabaab. As one Mogadishu shopkeeper told me during a recent call, “You can’t build a business with a gun to your head.”
That is why the choreography of Wednesday’s meeting matters. It suggests a steady hand from Washington as Somali authorities aim to consolidate gains—through training, intelligence cooperation, precision strikes on high-value targets and, crucially, civilian-led stabilization: reopening clinics, getting teachers paid, and restoring the courts and local councils that give people a reason to trust the state.
Who is Gen. Dagvin R.M. Anderson?
Anderson is a veteran of U.S. special operations with years of experience on the continent, including a tour leading Special Operations Command Africa. His new leadership role, as described by Somali officials, points to an emphasis on partnered counterterrorism and the kind of nimble, intelligence-driven operations that have defined U.S.-Somalia cooperation for more than a decade.
In the security community, Anderson is known for prioritizing local partnerships and building sustainable capacity—an approach that aligns with Somalia’s current needs. The Danab Advanced Infantry Brigade, a Somali unit trained and mentored by U.S. forces, has been the backbone of many recent offensives. Somali officers say Danab’s professionalism has raised standards across the army. The central question for the next phase is scale: Can that model extend beyond elite units to the broader security apparatus, including police and regional forces?
The U.S. footprint—and the debate
After a brief withdrawal in early 2021, the U.S. repositioned a small, persistent military presence to Somalia in 2022 to better support Somali partners and conduct targeted strikes against al‑Shabaab leadership. U.S. Africa Command typically describes the footprint as “several hundred” personnel. Airstrikes are periodic and, according to AFRICOM, tightly scoped to minimize civilian harm.
Those strikes remain a flashpoint. Human rights groups have pressed for greater transparency on assessments and reparations where harm is found. AFRICOM says it investigates allegations and publishes quarterly summaries. Somali officials, meanwhile, view U.S. support—air, advisory, and logistics—as a force multiplier that saves lives in the long run by disrupting plots and degrading al‑Shabaab’s command structure.
Beyond combat, U.S. assistance includes training investigators, bolstering financial oversight to choke off illicit revenue, and supporting programs that help defectors safely exit al‑Shabaab’s orbit. The idea is to narrow the insurgency’s options—on the battlefield, in the marketplace, and in the minds of young recruits.
Ripples across the Horn of Africa
Somalia’s security story cannot be sealed off from the wider region. Tensions between Mogadishu and Addis Ababa over Ethiopia’s maritime ambitions and a contested port deal in North Western State of Somalia have raised the temperature across the Horn. The Red Sea and Gulf of Aden, choked by conflict and shipping disruptions, sit on Somalia’s doorstep. Any shock in the region reverberates through Somalia’s ports and markets, where inflation and drought have already sharpened hardship.
In this landscape, the U.S.-Somalia relationship is as much about politics as it is about gunfights. It is about helping Mogadishu manage federal-state relations, keep local leaders onside, and navigate a tough neighborhood while building institutions that can stand when foreign soldiers step back. As a Somali proverb goes, “Gacmo wadajir bay wax ku gooyaan”—hands joined together can cut through the toughest task.
What to watch
- The African Union transition: As peacekeepers draw down, how quickly and effectively will Somali forces fill the gap, especially in recently liberated rural districts?
- Stabilization on the heels of offensives: Do schools reopen? Are courts functioning? Are roads secured for trade? Those metrics will determine whether al‑Shabaab can regenerate.
- Counter‑finance efforts: Can the government shrink the group’s taxation footprint in markets and along key transport corridors?
- Transparency in operations: Expect continued scrutiny of airstrikes and a push for fuller public reporting on civilian harm assessments.
Wednesday’s visit was not a grand announcement; it was a signal. In an era of crises competing for attention—from Ukraine to the Red Sea—Somalia remains on Washington’s agenda, and Washington remains on Somalia’s. The test ahead is whether this partnership can turn tactical gains into a broader peace dividend that reaches the street level—where a farmer weighs whether to plant, a shopkeeper whether to expand, a teenager whether to pick up a book or a rifle.
Those choices are shaped by security but sealed by trust. And trust, in Somalia as anywhere, is built not only by clearing territory, but by keeping promises once the guns go quiet.
By Ali Musa
Axadle Times international–Monitoring.
