Somalia’s president accepts credentials from newly appointed EU, Netherlands ambassadors

New Envoys in Mogadishu Signal a Deeper European Bet on Somalia’s Future

On a sunlit morning at Villa Somalia, the ritual of diplomacy unfolded with a quiet confidence. Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud received the credentials of the European Union’s new ambassador, Francesca Di Mauro, and the Netherlands’ envoy, Henk Jan Bakker. It’s the sort of ceremony that can seem routine—flags aligned, hands clasped, a few words about friendship and cooperation. But in Mogadishu, where diplomacy has often moved in fits and starts, such moments tell a bigger story about where Somalia is headed and how Europe understands its own role on the Horn of Africa.

Why This Matters Now

Somalia stands at a complicated inflection point. The country recently completed a landmark debt relief process that wiped away most of its arrears with international creditors, unlocking room for investment in infrastructure and services. At the same time, the drawdown of the African Union’s security mission—tasked for years with containing al-Shabaab—has placed greater onus on Somali forces to hold territory and protect civilians. Climate shocks have whiplashed the population from drought to floods, leaving millions food insecure even as markets in Mogadishu hum again and cranes puncture the skyline.

In this context, the arrival of Di Mauro and Bakker is more than ceremonial. It signals a renewed European stake in Somalia’s stability at a moment when the region’s fault lines—from the Red Sea to the Ethiopian highlands—are shifting. Diplomats will tell you that mandates matter. A new ambassador sets the tone for priorities, hard choices and the balance between security assistance and long-term institution-building. Their presence in Mogadishu is a reminder that even as the world is consumed by crises elsewhere, Europe sees Somalia as a strategic partner whose success—or failure—will reverberate well beyond its borders.

Europe’s Toolkit Is Changing

The European Union has been a constant in Somalia’s transition, funding everything from humanitarian aid and education to training Somali forces and shoring up maritime security. It has cycled through instruments over the past decade—from the EU Trust Fund for Africa to the current Global Europe framework—while keeping core objectives intact: a functioning state, accountable institutions and a safer coastline.

Those priorities are not abstract. EUNAVFOR Atalanta and EU civilian missions have long patrolled the waters off Somalia, deterring piracy and protecting shipping lanes that carry a sizable share of global trade. The recent turbulence in the Red Sea, and the hijacking incidents that revived memories of the piracy heyday a decade ago, have made maritime vigilance relevant again. Inside the country, EU-backed programs have helped pay teacher salaries, rehabilitate roads and underwrite local governance projects. In the security sector, European training and mentoring have threaded a difficult needle: support Somali forces while nudging reform and respect for civilian oversight.

Now, as Di Mauro begins her tenure, the EU faces a sharper question: how to calibrate its assistance as the security umbrella thins and Somalia’s federal and state-level politics remain in flux. It’s the kind of challenge where the right mix of money, patience and political leverage can prevent backsliding. A misstep can embolden spoilers.

What the Netherlands Brings

The Netherlands has punched above its weight in Horn of Africa diplomacy. Dutch funding has flowed to rule-of-law initiatives, women’s economic empowerment, and health and nutrition programs—sometimes in difficult-to-reach districts that rarely make the headlines. The country’s long expertise on water management has also informed climate resilience projects, a vital area as Somalia battles the dual threats of drought and flash floods.

Less visible but no less important is Dutch engagement in maritime security. The Netherlands has contributed to EU naval operations and the training of coast guard units in the wider region. For a country with the Port of Rotterdam as a global node, the safety of sea lanes is more than altruism; it’s a strategic interest. That convergence of values and pragmatism is likely to shape Ambassador Bakker’s portfolio in Mogadishu, where shipping insurance premiums and the simple ability to move goods safely remain everyday concerns for business owners.

A Partnership Tested by Hard Realities

Diplomacy in Somalia rewards quiet persistence and punishes grandstanding. European officials know they are working in a landscape where security gains can be fragile, and where federal-state relations require constant tending. Meanwhile, the humanitarian file is heavy: despite recent improvements, millions remain in need of assistance due to the cumulative effects of conflict, displacement and climate extremes. Aid dollars never stretch as far as the needs demand, and donors face pressure at home to show results.

There are also deeper political questions. Somalia’s national reform agenda has made strides—from public financial management to electoral experimentation in some regions—but voters still await a credible path to one-person, one-vote elections nationwide. Civil society groups push for space and protection, particularly for journalists and women leaders. For Europe, backing these constituencies is part of the long game—costly in the short term, vital in the long term.

The Next Chapter: Trade, Jobs and Dignity

European engagement will likely broaden beyond aid and security during this diplomatic cycle. Somali entrepreneurs are hungry for access to markets, finance and skills. The diaspora continues to send remittances—lifelines that often exceed aid flows—and is positioning capital in logistics, fisheries and tech. The EU’s trade instruments and private-sector partnerships can turn that energy into jobs if regulatory reforms keep pace.

Migration will also sit prominently on the agenda. Brussels’ new approach to migration management emphasizes fighting smuggling, expanding legal pathways and partnering with origin countries. In Somalia, where young people weigh risky journeys against scant opportunities at home, the only credible strategy is to raise the opportunity cost of leaving: better schools, safer streets, apprenticeships that lead to real work. That’s a shared interest. A Europe looking to reduce irregular arrivals and a Somalia seeking to keep its talent both benefit when prospects improve inside the country.

Questions for All Sides

As this diplomatic season opens, several questions linger:

• Can the EU and Netherlands help lock in Somalia’s macroeconomic gains—post-debt relief—by translating them into visible improvements in public services?
• Will security sector support be nimble enough to sustain gains against al-Shabaab as international troops step back?
• How can climate finance be channeled quickly to communities hit first and worst by extreme weather?
• What does a fair trade relationship look like when a fragile state seeks access to European markets without being swamped by regulations it cannot yet meet?

A Measured Optimism

Diplomatic credentials are, in one sense, the start of a stopwatch: a limited window during which ambassadors can make a difference. For Somalia and its European partners, the race is not to produce a headline but to build momentum—a school that stays open, a police unit that earns public trust, a Somali startup that exports to Europe, a fishing village where young men choose nets over smuggling routes.

That requires steadiness, and it requires humility. Mogadishu has seen many well-intentioned plans falter. But the presence of experienced European envoys, backed by long-standing partnerships, suggests a willingness to stay in the trenches. In a region where crises crowd each other for attention, that kind of focus is its own form of solidarity.

In the polished quiet of Villa Somalia, the handshakes were brief. The real work—complex, incremental, and essential—begins now.

By Ali Musa
Axadle Times international–Monitoring.