The Bamako press is quite critical of the formation of the new government led by Prime Minister Choguel Maïga.
“Choguel government does not calm down”, thus the title of the Maliweb information site. Already “with its 28 members, the (new) government breaks the transitional charter, which maximizes the number of members of the government team by a maximum of 25.” Then Maliweb continues, “this government law reflects the coup d’état’s dominant grip on the state apparatus. Since there are at least 15 portfolios controlled by Colonel Assimi Goïta and his lieutenants. (…) Strategic portfolios such as defense, security, territorial administration and national reconciliation are actually held by soldiers from the previous CNSP ranks. (…) Not to mention that several civilian ministers are protégés, relatives or friends of the putschist officers (…). These results lead us to believe that the Prime Minister has too little influence on the government group. “Maliweb states this again, especially since Choguel Maïga could not appoint a single of his closest cadres in his party, the MPR or FSD / M5-RFP grouping, to a portfolio of sovereignty or at least to a strategic department for the team.”
And the website Bamako wondered: “With five political leaders in a 28-member government, what openness can we talk about for the Choguel team? How can such a team help calm the socio-political climate?”
A “national leap”!
Same concern for The Witness “Reading this government nomenclature, it is easy to see that companionship and the endless shameless missions of collapsible places have clearly triumphed over merit. The credibility of the Assimi-Choguel tandem is somewhat troubled by this new government, which no longer exists.” be not objective and wisely inclusive. “
For its part, 22 September, another Malian publication, demands greater political openness, “a national leap!”: “The Prime Minister must listen on both sides,” he says. He’s not just in the Prime Minister’s Office of M5-RFP. It is there for the whole country. He should not fall into the shortcomings he criticized previous regimes. Everyone is aware that the country needs a large collection of all its daughters and all its sons to meet the current challenges: security and the implementation of good choices, among others. We therefore need a national leap! That everyone gathers around Choguel Maïga on a roadmap, not for him or for the M5 or for a third person, but for the motherland: Mali! ”
The rebuilt CNT?
For Inf @ sept, it is not only the government that needs to rethink, there is also the CNT, the National Transitional Council. “The CNT format deserves to be examined, in fact Inf @ sept believes, because it acts as a parliament, therefore as a legislative body. It is up to the vote on the texts that will form the basis of the new Mali.” This can only be done with absolute legitimacy, an inclusive representativeness for all strata of the nation. ”
But Inf @ sept points out, “CNT fishes with two congenital defects. The first is the official absence of the most representative political parties. The second shortcoming is the low quality of many of its members. As a reminder, in its current configuration, the CNT is only a conglomeration of friends, loyalists, comrades, praisers and opportunists in junta pay. It does not reflect the representative socio-political forces in the country or the cream of Malian intelligence. So, inf @ sept concludes, the ideal would be its resolution, but to avoid opening Pandora’s box, we could (at least) widen it. “
Finally, the subregional press is quite wait and see, which landed in Burkina Faso… ”Colonel Goïta and his government seem determined to stay the course and lead the transition to its end, scheduled for early next year. The question is to know, Le Pays confirms, that in the eight months that separate us from the next election deadline, the transitional authorities will be able to create the conditions for a return to peace and security in this country, of which more than half still escape state control. ”
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