EDITORIAL | Somalia’s foreign minister, Minister Balal Cusman Balal Osman, was left with an egg in his face on Thursday after presenting the wrong flag when he hosted Russian diplomat Mikhail Golovanov in Mogadishu.
Instead of placing the Russian miniature flag in front of the visiting ambassador, Mr Ottoman’s team placed the Dutch flag upside down. It may have been a mistake [the flag was later changed in subsequent photographs]. But it may well be a depiction of President Mohamed Farmajoo’s government and the way it treats its image.
Mr. Golovanov’s visit was supposed to show the Western world that Somalia is capable of bypassing other superpowers. And in the week that donors rejected the concept of extension for Farmaajo, this was an opportunity to show the world the middle finger.
Sir. Golovanov represents a country that has consistently been a thorn in the flesh of the Western world. Like the Soviet Union, Moscow was one of Somalia’s earliest allies until the Ogadeni War, when the Soviets armed the Ethiopian government against Somalia. Former ruler Siad Barre changed alliance with the United States, and Russians disappeared from the scene in the 70s.
For him to travel from his station in Djibouti to Mogadishu (both where he is accredited) it was probably good optics, but not a free lunch for Somalia: the Russians have sought re-entry into the Hornet, and probably chaos in Somalia presents this possibility. The flag incident destroyed it.
In a real sense, it’s Farmaajo who’s ruined it. This week, the president, whose term had expired in February, quickly endorsed a decision by the House of Commons to extend their term by up to two years. During this time, legislators say, Somalia must be prepared to have universal suffrage.
Farmaajo then went on to make statements, insulting the donors for “misleading” statements, arguing that the federal government would stand by MPs’ decision.
There are obvious legal issues, such as whether a decision to extend the power of a sitting president should be dealt with only by the lower house. There are also questions as to whether a house whose term expired in December can claim to extend its powers long after the expiration.
And yet there are also political issues. This decision went despite Senate rejection, opposition from political rivals and two key federal states. Farmaajo claimed that Parliament “restored” power to citizens who have never voted in 50 years.
Farmajoo’s response to this move was embarrassing. In an earlier warning to the international community, the State Department said it would reject interference. True, interference is what most Somalis detest. But Somalia’s reality is such that external influence will always come in the form of diaspora, donors, partners or entities that feel they have a stake or interest in Somalia.
Here’s how you do it. Somalia’s diaspora sends home more than what the country charges in taxes. Somalia’s security architecture is the building of foreigners. The US is training the military, the UK and the EU are sending lots of money for aid and security support, and Somalia’s garden is being patrolled by a foreign coalition of security forces to keep the pirates away.
If Farmaajo will have to have his cake. He must not eat it. If he wants to reject external interference, it must apply uniformly from Qatar to Turkey to the United States and Britain. Aside from not wanting to do this because Qatar supports his political maneuvers, China donated vaccines, and Turkey promises to pump money into the oil sector.
Yet here is the reality. Somalia’s security problem and the looming rise of al-Shabaab mean Farmaajo has no choice but to pay attention to what they say. With poorly equipped security forces, it would be unwise to annoy international partners because the risk of al-Shabaab will mean that even the two years he seeks in extension will be insufficient to prepare anything.
What’s more? The legal issues raised by the concept of extension have real reasons. If Somalia wants to stand out in the community of nations as a law-abiding country, it must start at home. In politics; the law and the sensitivity do not always go together. Therefore, Farmaajo needs to do better to resume talks and listen to political stakeholders. Seeking to parade diplomats from countries that have had little or no role in Somalia’s reconstruction is counterproductive.
AXADLETM
