Somalia Dismisses High-Ranking Ethiopian Envoy Over Sovereignty Breach Concerns

Mogadishu (AX) — On Monday, Somalia gave the boot to a top Ethiopian envoy, accusing the diplomat of actions that clash with his official duties and breach Somalia’s sovereignty. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs broke the news, spotlighting the incident’s significance. Ali Mohamed Adan, who held the position of Counselor II at Ethiopia’s embassy in the Somali capital, faced the label of persona non grata. This term demands he exits Somali territory within 72 hours. The move raises the bar in the already bumpy relationship between the two countries, a saga driven by land scuffles, political dances, and Somalia flexing its muscles on matters of national concern.

The ministry pointed fingers at Adan, claiming he was tangled in tasks beyond the bounds of his diplomatic role. Citing the Vienna Convention on Diplomatic Relations from the 1960s, specifically Articles 41 and 42, they reminded that diplomats must toe the line regarding both the laws of the host land and to avoid nosing into its affairs. This decision, as they see it, illustrates Somalia’s determination to safeguard its sovereignty while keeping in step with global protocols.

A Somali hotshot threw more fuel on the fire, alleging that “Ali Garre,” as Adan is locally dubbed, moonlights as a colonel in Ethiopia’s intelligence playbook. Adan supposedly used his foreign role as a smoke screen for stealthy outings across Somali turf. “Ali Garre’s activities broke out of diplomatic bounds,” remarked the official, underlining the intensity of these claims. Meanwhile, the Ethiopian Foreign Affairs Ministry remains mum on the matter.

Ali’s ousting is volleying off the back of an eyebrow-raising understanding penned recently between Ethiopia and North Western State of Somalia—a region that has sought to break away from Somalia since the ’90s. This delicate deal, purportedly granting Ethiopia a peek at North Western State of Somalia’s Red Sea shores in exchange for hints at independence recognition, has stirred the pot in Mogadishu. Somali powerbrokers assert that the deal pokes at Somalia’s territorial integrity and questions Ethiopia’s neutrality as a peacekeeper.

April saw Somalia boot Ethiopia’s ambassador and call for the closure of its consulates in North Western State of Somalia and Northeastern State—two areas craving self-governance—based on Ethiopia’s hustle for access to the Gulf of Aden.

Despite these decrees, the Ethiopian consulates in these regions roll on. By May, there were claims from North Western State of Somalia’s side that Ethiopia had given a rank boost to its consulate in Hargeisa to full-fledged embassy status. Yet, Ethiopia kept its lips sealed on the upgrade. The symbolic effort behind North Western State of Somalia’s new embassy in Addis Ababa in October stirred more angst in the region. While North Western State of Somalia may trumpet it as a leap in diplomacy, Ethiopia neither confirmed nor denied the establishment of the embassy.

The labyrinthine relation between Somalia and Ethiopia is steeped in long-standing strains, since Ethiopia’s dip into Somali politics back in 2006. The aim was to support Somalia’s then-transitional government against stubborn insurgencies. The Ethiopian embassy still sits snug within Mogadishu’s Villa Somalia—a testament to Ethiopia’s influential echo. Somali leaders have hinted at shifting the embassy elsewhere later, as a way to reclaim autonomy over national symbolism and institutions.

With the African Union poised to replace AMISOM’s presence with a fresh peacekeeping taskforce later this year, Mogadishu is firm about no Ethiopian forces being in the mix. Somali heavies contend Ethiopia’s recent maneuvers have skewed its neutrality, making it unfit for the African Union Stabilization Mission in Somalia (AUSSOM). Emphasis is placed on having a mission made up of states with no stake in the conflict, ensuring a balanced peacekeeping crew that aligns with the broader goals of security and development for Somalia.

As if things weren’t already complex, Egypt’s recent cameo into this regional power intrigue adds another layer, providing ammo to Somalia’s military in a subtle tug-of-war against Ethiopia’s influence in the Horn of Africa. The Nile water spat between these two giants adds a rivalry undertone. Some view Egypt’s Somali alliance as a bigger play in taming Ethiopian ambition in these parts.

Concern brews amongst Ethiopian officials about Egypt’s role, viewing it as a potential handbrake on Ethiopia’s standing. Addis Ababa sees Egyptian overtures towards Mogadishu as moves in a larger campaign to undermine its influence and slice out strategic chunks in the Horn.

With ballooning tension, global watchers are on edge. At a recent UN Security Council meeting, U.S. point person Robert Wood warned that unresolved tensions could crack the Horn of Africa’s stability. He called for open dialogue. James Swan, acting UN envoy in Somalia, harmonized these calls, urging adherence to international norms and honoring national sovereignty.

During the same shindig, Somalia’s Foreign Minister Ahmed Moalim Fiqi pointed fingers at Ethiopia for exploiting its counterterrorism role to plant roots for territorial stirrings. He claimed that Somali authorities pinched unauthorized arms shipments from Ethiopian sources, allegedly to stir up local squabbles. Ethiopia’s Foreign Minister Taye Atske-Selassie waved off these charges, maintaining Ethiopia’s focus is strictly on regional security and partnership, suggesting Somalia’s claims are merely a distraction from its own homegrown woes.

Somalia’s step to trim Ethiopia’s influence might ripple through regional bits and pieces. This act signals their stride toward asserting control over national sovereignty and reshaping their part in the regional power puzzle. As Somalia sways from AMISOM to AUSSOM, there’s an appetite to curb neighborly military sways and beef up independence. Somali bigwigs argue for the new mission to spark from the country’s own security wants, rather than kowtowing to the neighboring countries’ power games.

Edited by: Ali Musa

alimusa@axadletimes.com

Axadle international–Monitoring

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