Somalia’s President Accused of Weakening Federalism by Interfering in Las Anod

Somalia’s federal experiment under strain as Las Anod conflict exposes deeper tensions

MOGADISHU — The row over the emergence of a new regional administration in Las Anod — branded SSC-Khaatumo by its leaders — has become the latest flashpoint in a long-running struggle over how Somalia is governed. At the centre of the controversy is President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud, accused by critics of steadily eroding the federal compact that was supposed to anchor the country’s fragile post-transition order.

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The immediate complaint is blunt: former president Sharif Sheikh Ahmed warns that Mogadishu is too deeply involved in the affairs of the nascent Las Anod administration, sidelining traditional elders and stunting the autonomy federalism promised. “I was the first to contribute financially to the Khatumo State and played a key role in elevating its status. But what we see now is federal govt interference, the marginalisation of traditional leaders, and widespread abuses,” Sharif said in a recent interview, encapsulating the anxiety that political manoeuvres in the capital could overwhelm locally driven governance.

Why Las Anod matters

Las Anod sits in a contested borderland — the Sool region — at the intersection of claims by North Western State of Somalia, which declared independence in 1991 and controls most of the northwest, and Puntland State, an autonomous state in the northeast. The city’s recent years have been defined by violence, displacement and political reconfiguration. Residents and their leaders formed SSC-Khaatumo as an expression of local identity and a bid for self-determination distinct from both North Western State of Somalia’s secessionist project and Puntland State’s regional ambitions.

That local assertion has met resistance. North Western State of Somalia’s forces fought with SSC-Khaatumo-aligned fighters, while Mogadishu’s posture — seen by many as supportive of the new state — has inflamed worries about central interference. Puntland State and Jubaland, two federal members with their own strong territorial and political interests, say such moves undermine the constitutional order and have refused to endorse hurried changes to electoral and governance rules pushed from the centre.

Federalism under pressure

Somalia’s provisional constitution enshrines federalism as a means to reconcile clan-based politics, regional autonomy and national unity. But in practice, the distribution of power between Mogadishu and the member states has been a source of recurring friction. Accusations against the president over the last three years — of meddling in state affairs, starving regions of development support or manipulating local leaders — echo a wider unease about the balance between central leadership and regional sovereignty.

For many Somalis, the deeper concern is institutional erosion. If the centre is seen to favour some regional actors over others, the already brittle trust that underpins national politics frays further. Traditional elders and customary systems — the xeer that settles local disputes and allocates resources — have been sidelined in several flashpoints, even as they remain crucial mediators in Somali society. Critics say that marginalising these figures risks not only political instability but also a growing legitimacy deficit for the government in Mogadishu.

Security and governance: neglected at peril

Compounding the political dispute is an argument made by Puntland State and Jubaland that Mogadishu’s attention to internal political engineering has come at the expense of a coherent campaign against militant groups such as Al-Shabaab and affiliates of the Islamic State. While the federal government rejects that framing — blaming recalcitrant federal leaders for obstructing progress — observers warn that security vacuums created by political division provide breathing space for insurgents to regroup and recruit.

Somalia today stands at a crossroads familiar to many fragile states: should national leaders centralise power to act decisively, or should they devolve authority to accommodate local demands and build durable bargains? The answer is not simple. Centralisation can deliver short‑term coordination, but without broad buy-in it risks provoking resistance; decentralisation can empower communities, but it needs institutional capacity and a commitment to shared national standards.

What’s at stake beyond Las Anod

This fight over SSC-Khaatumo will resonate beyond Sool. It tests the resilience of Somalia’s federal architecture, the role of customary governance, and the ability of the capital to balance national priorities with regional sensitivities. It also matters to neighbours and international partners, who have long invested in Somalia’s fragile progress toward a more unified, stable state.

The case poses several uncomfortable questions for Somali politics and for outsiders engaged in the country’s recovery: Can Mogadishu pursue a national strategy without being accused of favouritism? How can member states and clans be incorporated into national decision-making without paralysis? And crucially, how can the institutions designed to manage these tensions be strengthened rather than hollowed out?

Paths forward

There are no quick fixes. Restoring trust will require transparent dialogue, respect for local leadership structures, and a recommitment to the rules and procedures that underpin the federal compact. International mediators can help by nudging parties toward negotiated settlements rather than occasional firefights. But any long-term solution must be rooted in Somali-led arrangements that recognize the legitimacy of local voices while safeguarding national cohesion.

For now, the debate around Las Anod is a microcosm of a wider contest over the future of Somali statehood. It is also a reminder that state-building is not merely a technocratic exercise: it is a deeply political negotiation over identities, resources and power — contested on dusty streets and in the corridors of Mogadishu alike.

As Somalia navigates this moment, the central challenge will be to make federalism work not as a slogan, but as a living architecture that empowers communities while keeping the country from unraveling. Will Somalia’s leaders choose to respect the delicate balance that federalism requires, or will political expediency continue to corrode the very institutions meant to hold the country together?

By Ali Musa
Axadle Times international–Monitoring.

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