Nigeria: Will Nigeria’s Next President Answer to the Public?

The main candidates have combined data on the subject of accountability and responsive governance.

With simply 5 days left earlier than Nigeria’s federal elections on 25 February, residents are weighing up their decisions as they put together to settle upon a brand new president. Most shall be in search of a consultant who places the state’s pastimes forward of their very own individual features.

Such a candidate might be exhausting to search out. Nigeria’s democracy has been characterised by flawed major elections, monetised politics and unkept guarantees that give peculiar humans limited alternatives. The poor state of democratic establishments has additionally left residents with little recourse. Will this modification after Saturday’s polls?

Although the three main candidates – Peter Obi, Atiku Abubakar and Bola Tinubu – are from completely different events, their political trajectories are linked. The Labour Party’s Peter Obi was the vice-presidential candidate for Atiku Abubakar’s People’s Democratic Party inside the 2019 elections. From 2014 to 2017, Abubakar was a distinguished member of Bola Tinubu’s All Progressives Congress (APC), the present ruling social gathering. Abubakar was additionally the 2007 presidential candidate of the Action Congress of Nigeria, Tinubu’s social gathering earlier than the APC was shaped.

The main candidates have all served the federal government in completely different capacities. Tinubu was governor of Lagos State from 1999 to 2007, Abubakar was Nigeria’s vice-president inside the identical interval, and Obi was governor of Anambra State from 2006 to 2014.

Flawed major elections, monetised politics and unkept guarantees depart Nigerians with constrained alternatives

They have additionally all been named in economic scandals. Tinubu has been accused of tax evasion and cash laundering in his dealings with Lagos State. Abubakar’s title seems 60 occasions in a report by the United States Senate on overseas corruption, the place he was tied to cash laundering offences. Obi was amongst the general public servants alleged inside the Pandora papers exposé to have dedicated tax evasion.

The candidates have largely denied any wrongdoing – referring to their ‘monitor data’ in authorities as facts that they’re probably the most certified to steer the state. However, their conduct must be scrutinised even past their time in place of work. This would reveal how they may method responsive governance and accountability if elected.

One metric is their accountability toward residents. Both Tinubu and Abubakar are in the main dismissive of their corruption allegations. When instructed that Nigerians have been interested in the supply of his wealth, Tinubu made imprecise references to inheritance and funding, and suggested that questioners have been ‘envious.’ Abubakar acquired his most up-to-date accusations of corruption with indifference. His response to an audio recording during which he seemed to be arranging to divert state funds at the same time in place of work was that it was ‘nothing new.’

When requested about allegations of tax evasion inside the Pandora papers, Obi denied any illegality, and segued the dialogue into his penchant for ‘saving cash’ as a public official. He took an identical method when asked about controversial investments of state funds in establishments which his loved ones had pastimes in. He insisted the investments have been moneymaking and inside the state’s greatest pastimes.

All three of Nigeria’s main presidential candidates have been named in economic scandals

Another take a look at of the candidates’ method to responsive governance is their dealing with of the 2020 #EndSARS protests. The marketing campaign was primarily towards police brutality and represented a interval of heightened civic engagement amongst younger Nigerians. Both Tinubu and Obi have been compelled to reply questions on their direct or oblique involvement inside the state of affairs.

The notion was that Tinubu had not directly influenced the shootings that came about on 20 October 2020 when protesters have been located to have been killed by state forces. He was fast to disclaim the claims. When Obi was requested why he did not curb violations by Anambra State’s infamous Awkuzu SARS police unit when he was governor, he suggested that given that the police have been a federal entity, he had no manipulate over them.

Public engagement is a portion of responsive management, and the candidates’ campaigns have differed of their approaches. On one severe is Obi, who regularly participates in dialogues and appears essentially too obtainable to media platforms. His spokesman, Dele Farotimi, says Obi is the ‘most interviewed candidate.’ On the opposite severe is Tinubu, who has largely spoken to overseas media. Abubakar has a extra average method and is in the main obtainable.

The candidates check with their ‘monitor data’ in authorities as facts that they’re certified to steer

Beyond elections, different democratic establishments even have an significant position in implementing accountability on elected and appointed officers. That means the main target have to be sustained on strengthening establishments to be certain that public pastimes are protected.

The Independent National Electoral Commission is liable for organising obvious elections with out interference and manipulation. Ideally nevertheless, the heightened civic engagement triggered by the 2023 electoral cycle must be maintained after the polls, no matter who emerges as president.

A constant demand for accountability by residents, the media and civil society can help you be certain that Nigerians aren’t on the mercy of elected officers’ whims. Only then can the state transfer toward a actually responsive authorities that serves the curiosity of the humans.

Teniola Tayo, Consultant, ISS Regional place of work for West Africa, the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin, Dakar