Unusual query, isn’t it?
Maybe you might be conscious of the present political pressure in Northern Somalia the place the opposition events have rejected President Muse Bihi’s time period extension.
Effectively, the query was the opposite approach spherical for the previous two-three a long time when neighbouring Somalia was present process a collection of civil wars manifested in warlordism, violent terrorist extremism and worldwide interventions.
However, to say the least, the Somali saying “isma dhaanto iyo dhasheedii (siblings have similar traits)” appears to be making use of to Northern Somalia as it’s deviating from its democratic path that was hybrid with native cultural norms to extra authoritarian rule like has been in Somalia
Because the creation of the democratization course of that began with multipartyism in 2001, Northern Somalia has held 3 presidential elections, 2 native council elections and a pair of parliamentary elections (for the Home of Representatives, all in a peaceable method with some extent of freedom and equity.
Then again, from the yr 2000 onwards, Somalia has been present process what may be described as a combination of state-building and peace-building processes.
This began with the Grand Reconciliation Convention in Arta, Djibouti ending with the election of clan-based 4.5 components power-sharing, adopted by a pure state formation course of in Eldoret and Imbigaati, Kenya that began in early 2004 and ended with the election of president and parliament primarily based on the identical components in 2006.
The brand new authorities confronted regionally rooted challenges from the Union of Islamic Courts however the negotiated settlement was reached on August 18, 2008, in Djibouti between Transitional Federal Authorities (TFG) and the ARS group, ensuing within the ARS chief successful the election and main the TFG till August 2012.
From 2012, Somalia took state constructing and peacebuilding course of that included three parliamentary and presidential elections on the federal stage and greater than ten Federal Member State stage elections.
Over the last 20 years (2002-2022), Somalia and Northern Somalia have to be taught loads from one another. One apparent lesson that Somalia mustn’t be taught from Northern Somalia is muddo-kordhin, (presidential time period extension), which Northern Somalia has abused.
Probably the most unbecoming bit to Northern Somalia’s political maturity, democracy and even stability is the muddo-kordhin which has standard.
The second and really outstanding President Mohamed Haji Ibrahim Egal (might Allah relaxation his soul in paradise) began this tradition together with his first extension in 1995 including two years to his time period and for the opposite two chambers of the parliament (Guurti and Home of Representatives) to appease them, utilizing the civil battle that he began as justification.
The successive presidents Dahir Rayale Kahin, Ahmed Silanyo and now Muse Bihi have orchestrated their time period extension though not like Bihi the others ready the bottom for a extra acceptable and conducive setting for his or her extensions via consultations, whereas Bihi is utilizing authorities forces to suppress opposition and cling on to energy.
However essentially the most stunning is the Northern Somalia Home of Elders which has been sitting for 25 years with out elections and only recently its time period by an additional 5 years which makes their time period 30 years, six occasions their constitutional 5-year tenure.
Extra worrying is that this chamber is conferred with a lot energy akin to battle decision and the power to increase for the president which is the primary anchor for his or her unquestioned extension.
Nevertheless, the best absurdity is that this Home extends its time period with no reference to the structure.
There is no such thing as a single article or sub-article that signifies Guurti can lengthen its time period.
Examine this with the Federal Authorities (of Somalia) which has no loopholes for time period extensions both for the president or parliament.
An try which was made by former President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajoo backfired.
Some Federal Member States particularly Puntland have skilled violent unrest and battle after earlier presidents tried to increase their phrases.
That is one nice lesson that Northern Somalia ought to be taught from Somalia.
One other lesson that Northern Somalia ought to be taught from Somalia is inclusivity, particularly for ladies and minorities.
One of many black spots in Northern Somalia’s democracy is that there’s not a single lady elected in parliament or Guurti.
Worse nonetheless, there are solely lower than 10 girls within the 305 native councillors and not one of the native councils of main regional capital cities has 50% feminine illustration.
Furthermore, there have been solely 13 feminine candidates for the 246 parliamentary seats and none was elected.
Quite the opposite, the Federal Authorities has greater than 22%, a bit wanting the earmarked 30% and each Federal Member State has a minimal of 10% of ladies of their parliaments.
Moreover, Banadir Area has the follow of appointing at the very least 3 girls as district commissioners whereas Northern Somalia has none. Positively, that is one lesson that Northern Somalia should be taught from Somalia.
The unlucky half is in Northern Somalia president Bihi blocked and rejected reserving any quota for ladies, primarily as a result of affect of his interior circles and supporters.
Concerning minorities, Somalia has reserved a superb quota, 31 MPs for minority teams together with marginalized ones whereas Northern Somalia has just one elected recently- Hon.
Barkhad Batun is an outspoken activist, a lawyer by career and a spokesperson for the opposition Waddani celebration.
Worse nonetheless nobody from minority clans was elected to the 300+ native councils within the 20 electoral districts of Northern Somalia.
Northern Somalia may also be taught from their brothers how they’ve put structural mechanisms to make sure inclusivity, illustration and political participation.
Worldwide companions have invested in Northern Somalia’s state-building and democracy however it appears their help has not been efficient in addressing structural deficiencies.
For instance, they’ve put an excessive amount of effort into guaranteeing girls’s quota within the Somalia federal and regional parliaments however haven’t carried out the identical in Northern Somalia.
Secondly, they’ve witnessed periodical recurrent conflicts over the president’s time period extension since 2008 and 2009 when President Rayale tried to increase his time period with out consensus and session with political stakeholders.
The nationwide election fee which is the primary car for any democratic system is all the time captured by the incumbent president.
One other essential lesson that Northern Somalia ought to be taught from Somalia is the facility distribution to numerous clans and inclusivity within the prime management.
The president, audio system of the parliament, chief justice, navy, police and safety company leaders are distributed to main clans in Somalia whereas the central clan, Isaaq takes virtually all prime positions in Northern Somalia.
In Somalia, it’s in opposition to the norm for the president to nominate shut kinfolk and members of the family to huge and delicate positions.
In Northern Somalia, the president appoints from his clan and even household.
At present, the chief justice, navy commander and key ministries are occupied by president Bihi’s clan whereas the previous president appointed his in-laws to prime positions.
Political inclusivity and energy distribution to numerous clans deliver social cohesion and consolidate folks’s belief within the governance system.
The tradition of appointing members of the family to prime and delicate positions was one of many main root causes that triggered the collapse of the Somali Democratic Republic.
So, Northern Somalia ought to be taught this from Somalia.
Northern Somalia has been significantly honoured and revered on account of its democratization trajectory and report.
Nevertheless, there have been rising negatives in Northern Somalia’s credentials that at the moment are threatening its stability.
It appears Northern Somalia is deviating from its consultative, dialogue and consensus-based method to conflicts whereas its establishments are usually not but mature and credible to realize full independence from the ruling class.
Northern Somalia intellectuals and outstanding conventional leaders beforehand had a big function and loved ascribed standing to intervene and mediate when politicians deviate.
The truth is, this was the primary distinction between Northern Somalia and Somalia.
It’s time for Northern Somalia to grow to be self-critical and take note of the structural inequalities inside their enterprise to trendy democratic governance.
The creator is a number one scholar and analyst on Horn of Africa politics